Michael J. Day


Everett Dean Martin (1880-1941) is a problematic figure to examine. Though admired by many of his peers for his work in the area of adult education, Martin is often ignored or dismissed by theorists today. While the views of one of his contemporaries, Eduard Lindeman, take on a certain sacredness in the adult education literature, Martin's thought is often regarded with contempt. Either directly or indirectly adult education theorists frequently treat Martin as an embarrassment.

To date, examinations of Martin's beliefs regarding adult education are overly simplistic and overly personal. At times he is dismissed as a smug elitist who was fixated on classical studies for adults. This was not Martin's primary focus. Instead, Martin stressed self-reliance, discipline, and the examined life as the most important objectives of adult education. And, by emphasizing the formulation of personal values, Martin continued a strain of thought popularized by individuals such as Ralph Waldo Emerson and William James. But Martin was not sympathetic toward an agenda for adult education which solely stressed the immediate needs of learners. This paper describes Martin's treatment in the literature, provides a biographical sketch, emphasizing his years as a minister, and discusses his agenda for adult education as it directly related to his years as a minister.




When Martin died in 1941 the American Association for Adult Education (AAAE) lost one of its more eloquent voices. By the 1940s Martin was viewed by some members of the AAAE as the principal architect of the association and author of its constitution.(1) Echoing these sentiments, Morse Cartwright, Executive Director of the AAAE from 1926 to 1949, considered Martin to be the "spiritual father" of the Association.(2) Martin was a prolific writer and lecturer and one of the major contributors to the Journal of Adult Education--mouthpiece of the AAAE.(3) Primarily due to his association with the AAAE, his guidance of the People's Institute in New York City, and his numerous publications, Martin was acknowledged by a number of individuals as a major spokesman for the emerging field of adult education in the United States.

Webster Cotton, in 1968, referred to Martin as "one of that small band of adult educators who effectively articulated the case for adult education in the period between the two world wars."(4) When Martin's The Meaning of a Liberal Education appeared in 1926, the President of the Carnegie Corporation proclaimed it as "the most important contribution to the understanding of adult education. . . thus far made in the United States." In comparing The Meaning of a Liberal Education with Lindeman's The Meaning of Adult Education, also published in 1926, Evans Clark, in a piece for The New York Times Book Review, considered Martin's work, by far, the more brilliant of the two. According to Clark, Martin "painted one of the most attractive portraits of the educated man in the gallery of modern literature."(6) Yet today, while the influence of Lindeman is ever present in the writings of the field of adult education, few authors take notice of Martin.

In an attempt to identify "those figures in adult education who had made a significant contribution to the field," Morris Okun and L. J. Pristo (1979) surveyed members of the Commission of Professors of Adult Education.(7) The researchers reported that Lindeman ranked 11th among the twenty-five highest ranked contributors. Martin's name did not appear. The next year a study conducted by Michael Day and Bill McDermott examined the familiarity of advanced adult education graduate students with specific historic writings.(8) The 1926 publications by Martin and Lindeman, referred to earlier, were included in the study. While 65% of the 245 students queried were familiar with Lindeman's work, only 17% were familiar with Martin's, and a small 4% had read The Meaning of a Liberal Education. Martin was not even mentioned in the popular textbook on adult education authored by Gordon Darkenwald and Sharan Merriam in 1982.(9) Even historians of adult education such as C. Hartley Grattan and Malcolm Knowles hardly referred to Martin in their writings.(10)

At the 1987 Adult Education Research Conference in Laramie, Wyoming, Michael Day and Donald Seckinger criticized adult education theorists for their disregard of Martin.(11) The authors noted that Martin continued to be neglected by researchers, though he had clearly articulated a position regarding adult education during the 1920s and 1930s. Since the Laramie conference, two additional treatments of Martin have been published, one by David Stewart and the other by Harold Stubblefield. In Adult Learning in America: Eduard Lindeman and His Agenda for Lifelong Education, Stewart represented Martin as a rival with whom Lindeman had to contend.(12) In the few paragraphs devoted to Martin, Stewart dismissed the man as an annoying elitist.(13) But Stewart provided a more sympathetic view of Martin in his review of Stubblefield's book, Towards a History of Adult Education in America.(14) In the review, Stewart presented Martin as a paradoxical figure who "was a forceful and cogent speaker, having the ability to translate difficult subject matter into manageable and interesting forms."(15) Stewart also credited Stubblefield with helping to clarify Martin's relationship with Lindeman.(16)

Stubblefield's treatment of Martin was much more lengthy and certainly more thorough than Stewart's.(17) Though Martin was once again criticized for professing a narrow view of the purpose of adult education, Stubblefield recognized some of Martin's contributions to the area of adult education: his lifelong commitment to liberal education, his work as the Director of the People's Institute, and his emphasis on mental maturity.

But there remained a number of shortcomings in the depiction of Martin provided by Stubblefield. Like Stewart, he relied primarily on readily available writings and secondary sources for his interpretation of Martin's life and ideas. The sources cited in Stubblefield's section on Martin included five of Martin's books and a few of his essays. For his discussion of Martin's involvement with the People's Institute in New York City, Stubblefield depended heavily on the work of Robert Fisher.(18) A second shortcoming in his treatment of Martin was biographical. In Stubblefield's brief biographical sketch of Martin's life there were some mistakes, such as the year Martin departed the ministry.(19) Lastly, Stubblefield made some suggestions about Martin's life which were not supported. Without providing evidence to buttress his observations,

Stubblefield implied that Martin's career in adult education began with the People's Institute;(20) he stated that Martin "first presented his theory of humanistic education for adults in 1920,"(21) and that in the thirties, Martin began to concentrate on "the problem of belief in the modern world."(22)




          Fortunately, materials regarding Martin's life are available. Collections are located at Cooper Union and the New York Public Library in New York City, and at Scripps College in Claremont, California. The collections in New York City primarily cover Martin's work at the People's Institute (1917-1934). Accessible at Scripps College are a number of Martin's earlier papers and some files containing correspondence. Among the papers are some drafts of sermons and lectures given by Martin during his years as a minister, 1906­-1915, as well as material from his years as a professor of social philosophy at Scripps. Also at Scripps, there is a rather interesting collection of letters written during the Fall of 1915--the period in which Martin formally left the ministry. An unpublished manuscript by Martin, believed to be his last, is also located in Claremont.(23) In addition to these collections, and Martin's numerous books and articles, researchers have access to nearly 150 works which Martin wrote while he was a featured columnist for the Des Moines Register and Leader during the years 1914-1915. A number of Martin's sermons and lectures were also featured in this newspaper.

Unfortunately, even after consulting all the above sources, the researcher is presented with little information on Martin prior to 1906. Martin was born in Jacksonville, Illinois, on July 5, 1880. He was the oldest of at least six children. Martin's mother (Mollie), it seems, corresponded with him quite frequently; his father (Bunker E.) was a tobacconist who died of tuberculosis sometime before 1915. At the age of twenty-four Martin graduated “Cum Laude” from Illinois College, in Jacksonville, where he also delivered the Salutatory Address, "College Responsibility."(24) Shortly thereafter he attended the McCormick Theological Seminary in Chicago. In 1907 he married Esther W. Kirk, also from Jacksonville, and they had three daughters: Mary, Margaret, and Elizabeth. From 1906 to 1915 Martin served as a minister in Illinois and Iowa; 1906-08, First Congregational Church, Lombard, Ill.; 1908-10, People's Church, Dixon, Ill.; 1911-15, the First Unitarian Church, Des Moines, Iowa. While serving as a minister, Martin gained a regional and national reputation as a thinker and orator; in 1914 he also began writing columns for the Des Moines Register and Leader. Then the threads of success began to unravel.

The year 1915 was cataclysmic for this highly respected minister. Martin left Des Moines and found work as an editorial writer on the New York Globe. Complications stemming from the divorce of his first wife caused Martin to leave the ministry under a cloud of scandal and lose his job on the globe. While in New York he married Persis E. Rowell and they had a son, Everett Eastman. The strain of this tumultuous year took its toll, setting a pattern of ill health which would culminate in his early death.

By the following year calm had returned to Martin's life, and he began an extremely satisfying and noteworthy relationship with the People's Institute in New York City. He quickly endeared himself to the Institute through his lectures on modern psychology. In November 1917 he was appointed Assistant to the Acting Director and Secretary of the Institute.

As Director of the People's Institute from 1922 to its closing in 1934, Everett Dean Martin emerged as a major educational figure and social critic. Through activities such as free public lectures from the podium of the Great Hall of Cooper Union, Martin preached his secular gospel of adult education, often before crowds of over 1,000 people. Martin's popular lectures began reaching even larger audiences in 1920 when The Behavior of Crowds was published. Within the next fifteen years eight more books appeared, including The Mystery of Religion (1924), The Meaning of a Liberal Education (1926), Liberty (1930), The Conflict of the Individual and the Mass (1932), and Farewell to Revolution (1935). During this time Martin also established a lasting relationship with Frederick Keppel of the Carnegie Corporation and became a key figure in the Corporation's plans for adult education. This success would last for over a decade giving Martin a well-deserved respite from the preceding years.

Martin's final years were filled with great insecurity precipitated by the closing of the People's Institute and escalating national and international unrest and hardship; this insecurity was softened, though, by a third marriage to Daphne Crane Drake in 1931. In 1936, amidst growing concern over his health and challenged by an offer from Claremont Colleges in Southern California, Martin resigned his makeshift position as Director of the Department of Social Philosophy at Cooper Union and headed west. This venture would fall far short of expectations though, and with continued failing health, Martin suffered a fatal heart attack in May, 1941.


Minister and Teacher


A serious omission in earlier treatments of Martin is the complete disregard of his years as a minister. Martin's views regarding education developed at the pulpit, not the podium. His interest in the education of adults did not originate at the People's Institute, as some writers have implied. It was already well-developed in January of 1911 when Martin accepted the pastoral position at the First Unitarian Church in Des Moines, Iowa.

One item in the Scripps Collection which attests to Martin's thinking as far back as 1906, the year he accepted his first ministerial assignment, is his Bible. On January 9, 1906 Martin inscribed the following thoughts on the inside leaf of this book:

My creed: I believe in an ever present, imminent God, on whom all things depend from moment to moment. Who working through natural, psychic and moral laws is present in every phenomenon ever working toward perfection in accord with a great plan which I can but half guess, but in which I feel that I as a man have my small part to perform. I am inspired to labor to make this world a little better for my being in it, by Our Jesus, who revealed the ethical or spiritual nature of God in his personality & life & devoutness unto death in service & love to men. I will give my attrition to him and strive to obey him depending upon his example and the personal influence of the God he revealed to keep me in harmony and good will to you & men.(25)

In this inscription Martin provided the foundation for his thought as a minister and as an adult educator. He believed in a moral and ethical universe and that specific principles should guide one's life. He also believed that the life of Jesus embodied these principles and that it should serve as an example for others to follow.

In December of 1909 Martin made his views regarding the Jesus figure and ethical religion quite clear in a draft of a speech delivered in Chicago titled "The Divinity of Christ." Christianity, Martin argued, was not a faith about Christ, it was Christ's faith.(26) Martin rejected arguments which elevated this figure to a godlike state. He considered Christ to be a man, "prophet, martyr reformer, (and) lover of his fellows. . ."(27) For Martin, ethical religion was immediately lost sight of when Christ was considered superhuman. He viewed the moral perfection of this virtuous man as a human virtue, "won out of the struggles of a life like ours, as an inspiring triumphant achievement of the human spirit. . ."(28) He concluded the presentation with the hope "that the center of faith (was) shifting from the person of Jesus to that social idealism which Jesus (shared) with all souls in all times who really (dared) to believe the kingdom of God."(29)

A month later Martin elaborated upon this theme and also provided a glimpse of how he viewed his own role as a minister. In "Christianity is Socialism," a draft of a Sunday morning sermon/lecture, he stressed that "I do not consider myself a priest but a teacher [emphasis added] and as such it becomes my privilege to acquaint people with the mightiest movement of modern times. "(30) The movement Martin referred to was Socialism:

For anyone who can today enjoy his own possessions in peace and shut out from his feasting the sobs and groans of broken lives all about him, seeing nothing wrong in the present order of things with its terrible inevitable inequalities, its commercialism, its concern for property rights to the neglect of human rights, the strife and confusion and mercilessness of its competition, its cheap display and empty pretense, its money madness, its juvenile crime, its wasted child life, its alcoholism, its widespread hunger in the midst of plenty, if one does not see that all this involves a radical negation of the ethics of Jesus [emphasis added], he, of course could not be a socialist, neither has he sufficient moral insight to enable him to be a Christian.(31)

To support his argument, Martin once more identified the central theme of the Bible as the kingdom of God on earth, "a society of peace and brotherhood."(32) Martin suggested that Christ hoped to establish such a society and that, like Christ, the socialist looked toward a better and more just world. For Martin, the core of the socialist movement in America was based on the ethics of Christ and was fundamentally a moral issue. He concluded that, "every Christian was at heart a Socialist."(33)

Martin was optimistic, during these years, that a better society was possible. But for this to happen in the twentieth century, Martin believed, a new type of individual was needed. In his first sermon as the new pastor of the First Unitarian Church, January 15, 1911, Martin noted that there was a strange stirring in the hearts of men, "a new and sudden gleam of insight. A new type of man (had) been produced."(34) He went on to note that "It is the function of religion to express the loftiest ideals of the highest type of life in any age. The real religion of this day counts not in the creed men profess, nor the texts they repeat, but in that subconscious something in the hearts of the race, that enable men to hope, to believe in the practicability of the ideal, to state clearly in terms of real experience the moral issue of life."(35)

By 1911 Martin had clearly identified what he viewed as the role of "real" religion in the new century. And, by association, he had already begun to articulate his view on "real" adult education. This became even more pronounced in his further discussion of liberal Christianity:

It is the place of liberal Christianity to state the supremacy of the everlasting ends of life over the means of living, of the believer over the thing believed, the man over the system, the worker over the product. We are not liberals because we believe less but because we believe more. We dare to believe without an infallible guarantee of the substance of our faith in a moral issue. It is not an historical opinion. Liberalism is not a new system of dogma, but a new point of view. . . . The place of liberal Christianity is to restore to the modem man his spiritual integrity.(36)

This would continue to be the dominate theme of Martin's sermons, lectures, and writings while he was a minister. It seems already difficult to deny the influence of William James on Martin's thought. Martin's emphasis on the integrity of the individual in an unfinished world, and on how people believe, rather than what they believe, is all quite Jamesian; we shall return to this theme shortly. But, for his prototype for this new person, Martin was ever drawn to the life of Christ.

Figure 1 is a depiction of a late fifteenth century painting by Hieronymus Bosch which captures quite effectively both Martin's sense of liberal Christianity and his emerging thought on liberal adult education. The image is titled The Crowning With Thorns. In describing the subject of the painting, the art historian, Charles DeTolnay, commented, "The figures surround Christ like a pack of wild beasts: they cling to Him, forcing the crown of thorns on to His head and tearing off His cloak. With sad, gentle eyes Christ is seeking out those of the spectator and appealing to his conscience."(37) Martin's view of Christ seemed to echo that of the Bosch painting. For Martin, as well, the gentle figure of Christ stood in the midst of his tormentors with dignity and ideals intact, illustrative of what the human spirit was capable. For those familiar with works such as The Behavior of Crowds, the Bosch painting may also nicely illustrate another major theme of Martin's, that of the individual's struggle against conformity to crowd opinion and behavior.

 Figure 1. Hieronymus Bosch, The Crowning With Thorns, National Gallery, London. Oil on Wood. Height 72.5 cm, width 58.5 cm.



Again, in the early months of 1912, Martin optimistically looked to the emergence of a new type of person "with new ideals and new enthusiasms."(38) The new person Martin envisioned was perhaps best summarized a few years later in one of his featured essays for the Des Moines Register and Leader. This essay, as well, provided an interesting summary of Martin's own beliefs, since he strongly identified with this new type of individual:


Many men and women of our times are a new type. There is a constantly increasing number of people in the world now whose spiritual constitution is a little different from any who have ever lived before. This new type is gradually becoming conscious of itself. . . .


We are certainly a new type mentally. We are the heirs of the great scientific discoverers of the nineteenth century. We are the results of a hundred years of democratic experiment in government. We are the products of a lot of new ideas in education.


We are a little more humane, less dogmatic, more restless, less romantic, more sensitive, less prudish, and we demand more of life than our ancestors.


We may not be any wiser than the past, but we are more open-minded. We are more plastic. We are a little less sure of our 'principles' and we care less about appearances.


But we are earnest. We think we are religious in a little more practical way. And we, too, are finding the sanctities of living in our own way.


We feel a little differently about some of the inherited definitions and customs and social institutions under which our fathers seem to have been more comfortable than we are.


God knows what we shall do in the world. We mean to make it some better. But we will gradually make things different; you may be sure of that.(39)


In addition to the highly ethical life which the Jesus story provided, the lives and writings of two other individuals strongly influenced Martin's thinking at this time: William James and Carl Ludwig Nietzsche. Martin considered James to be the most interesting philosopher that America had produced.(40) He strongly identified with James. As suggested earlier, Martin commended the following Jamesian positions: that both good and evil existed in the world; that the future was open and not already settled; that with few certainties provided, living was a noble struggle; and, that the individual will was a major creative force in bettering the world.(41)

Martin regarded Nietzsche as one of the "most refined, artistic, sensitive, deeply spiritual souls of the nineteenth century."(42) As in the work of James, it was the theme of personal struggle and the emphasis on the individual in Nietzsche's writings which appealed to Martin. Nietzsche's aristocratic manner also seems to have appealed to Martin. Martin considered Nietzsche to be a "true aristocratic," i.e., a free spirit, a thinker, a great teacher.(43) It seems that the works of James and Nietzsche contributed significantly to Martin's view of the new human type, a new aristocracy whose membership was to be based on the mental maturity of the individual, not on hereditary, class, or position. During these formative years Martin already stressed mental maturity as an agenda for life and for education.

In 1931 editors of the The Nation asked Martin to submit an essay describing his beliefs.(44) In the article Martin noted that how and why people believe was more important than what they believe.(45) This seems to be the same point Martin tried to make during his years as a minister; the new mental type was simply more mature, i.e, sensitive, open-minded and less sure.

The primary method Martin adopted to discuss his secular gospel of maturity was quite similar to that used so effectively at the People's Institute: the lecture series with discussion. In October of 1911 Martin announced a thirty-three session course of lectures titled, "The Jesus Story: In the Light of the Science of Historical Criticism."(46) In his introduction to the series Martin noted, "These lectures are not given in the interests of the dogma of any sect or school, but are designed to acquaint the hearer with the scientific method of bible study as it is applied by recognized biblical scholars of the various churches, and to afford candid discussion of the problems growing out of the origin of the Christian tradition, that we may know the truth about Jesus so far as it may be known at the present time."(47) As in the case of the general lectures at the People's Institute, the public was invited. From 1911 to 1915 he continued the lecture series format. It is interesting to note that in October of 1913 Martin began a sixteen-week series of lectures on "The Meaning of an Education in the Twentieth Century."(48)




It seems safe to suggest that Martin primarily viewed himself as a teacher. As early as 1910 when he was pastor of the People's Church in Dixon, Illinois, Martin stressed this role. Again, towards the end of his life, part of what attracted him to a faculty position at Scripps was the prospect of "embarking upon a truly experimental program in teaching."(49) But, though he was a teacher, Martin was not really an "academic." He was not university trained for a teaching/research position in higher education. He held only one "formal" higher education position, at Scripps, and this appointment came when he was fifty-six years of age. And, after a three-year trial period, he was not reappointed. Rather, as the brief biographical sketch of Martin illustrates, he was trained as a minister. Instead of an academic, Martin might best be viewed as a "cultivated amateur," what he repeatedly encouraged others to become.

As an educated amateur Martin viewed the proper task of adult education to be:

Something which will broaden the interests and sympathies of people regardless of their daily occupation--or along with it--to lift men's thought out of the monotony and drudgery which are the common lot, to free the mind from servitude and herd opinion, to train habits of judgment and of appreciation of value, to carryon the struggle for human excellence in our day and generation, to temper passion with wisdom, to dispel prejudice by better knowledge of self, to enlist all men, in the measure that they have capacity for it, in the achievement of civilization.(50)

In The Meaning of a Liberal Education, Martin wrote, "Many people think of education as something 'high-brow,' a fastidiousness which belongs to the elite. There are those who give the impression that education is a thing of books and schools and formalities; and that there is a recognized fraternity of the finished products of the system."(51) But, Martin viewed adult education quite differently. Adult education was "the organization of knowledge into human excellence."(52) It was "not the mere possession of knowledge, but the ability to reflect upon it and grow in wisdom."(53) Thus, adult education was available to all; one only had to desire its pursuit. Again, he wrote, "One does not 'get' an education anywhere. One becomes an educated person by virtue of patient study, quiet mediation, intellectual courage, and a life devoted to the discovery and service of truth."(54) This was the way of the educated amateur. This was Martin's way. The agenda for adult education was to foster this spirit and to promote thinking.

The portrait of Martin gleaned from this review is quite illuminating. While employed as a minister in Illinois and Des Moines, Martin established himself as both a lecturer and writer. In his lectures he stressed the ethical and human characteristics of Jesus, and, rather optimistically, looked toward a more just and enlightened society based upon Christ's example. When his writings appeared in 1914, Martin vigorously argued for a new type of individual. Characteristics of this new human type included sensitivity, experimentation, and open-mindedness. As suggested, Martin strongly identified with this new type of individual and was heavily influenced in his thinking by the writings of James and Nietzsche. During his years as a minister, Martin appeared to have maneuvered, rather adroitly, through a number of ideologies and roles. He was a minister and a teacher, a democrat and an aristocrat, an idealist and a pragmatist, a socialist and an individualist. He was successful, and, on the surface, he appeared to be a rather satisfied and contented individual. When Martin began his work with the People's Institute a few years later his agenda for adult education was already well developed.




1. Spencer Miller, Jr., James Creese, and Charles E. Rush, "The Clearing House," Journal of Adult Education 13 (1941): 313.


2. Morse A. Cartwright, "Everett Dean Martin," Journal of Adult Education 13 (1941): 324.


3. Michael Day, "Adult Education as a New Educational Frontier: Review of the Journal of Adult Education, 1929-1941," (Ph.D. diss., The University of Michigan, 1981), 126.


4. Webster Cotton, On Behalf of Adult Education: A Historical Examination of the Supporting Literature (Boston: Center for the Study of Liberal Education for Adults, Boston University, 1968), 23.


5. Frederick P. Keppel, "Education as a Lively Art," review of The Meaning of a Liberal Education, by Everett Dean Martin, The Yale Review 16 (1927): 791.

6. Evans Clark, "What Makes an Educated Man? Two Books Which Imply that Book Learning is not Enough," review of The Meaning of a Liberal Education, by Everett Dean Martin, and The Meaning of Adult Education, by Eduard Lindeman, The New York Times Book Review (9 January 1927): 1.


7. Morris A. Okun and L. J. Pristo, "Prominent Contributors to the Field of Adult Education," Lifelong Learning: The Adult Years 2 (January 1979): 14.


8. Michael Day and Bill McDermott, "Where has all the History Gone in Graduate Programs of Adult Education?" (Paper presented at the Adult Education Association U.S.A. Conference, St. Louis, Mo., November 1980).


9. Gordon G. Darkenwald and Sharan B. Merriam, Adult Education: Foundations of practice (New York: Harper & Row, 1982).


10. C. Hartley Grattan, In Quest of Knowledge: A Historical Perspective on Adult Education (New York: Arno Press, 1971); Malcolm S. Knowles, A History of the Adult Education Movement in the United States (Huntington, N.Y.: Robert E. Krieger, 1977). The only references Grattan made to Martin were that he was the director of the People's Institute and a member of the Advisory Committee on Adult Education, commissioned by the Carnegie Corporation in 1924. Though Knowles discussed the early years of the adult education movement in the U.S., as well as the founding, organization, leadership, and history of the AAAE, the only acknowledgement of Martin was a table which listed the presidents of the AAAE.


11. Michael Day and Donald Seckinger, "Everett Dean Martin: Spiritual Leader of the Adult Education Movement in the United States," in Adult Education Research Conference Proceedings, ed. Robert Inkster (Laramie: University of Wyoming, 1987), 55-60.


12. David Stewart, Adult Learning in America: Eduard Lindeman and His Agenda for Lifelong Education (Malabar, Fla.: Robert E. Krieger, 1987), 92.


13. Ibid., 92.


14. David Stewart, review of Towards a History of Adult Education in America, by Harold Stubblefield, Lifelong Learning: An Omnibus of Practice and Research (October 1988): 27-28.


15. Ibid., 28.


16. Ibid.


17. Harold W. Stubblefield, Towards a History of Adult Education in America (London: Croom Helm, 1988).


18. Robert B. Fisher, "The People's Institute of New York City, 1897-1934: Culture, Progressive Democracy, and the People," (Ph.D. diss., New York University, 1974).


19. Everett Dean Martin Collection, The Ella Strong Denison Library, Scripps College, Claremont, Calif. Stubblefield notes, for example, that. Martin left the ministry in 1914; he actually left the ministry in the fall of 1915. He also states that Martin moved to Claremont, Calif. in 1938; he actually moved to Claremont during the summer of 1936.


20. Stubblefield, Towards a History of Adult Education, 64.


21. Ibid., 72.


22. Ibid., 69.


23. Everett Dean Martin, "The Assault on the Human Spirit," typewritten MS in the possession of Professor Edward A. White.


24. Commencement Announcement, Everett Dean Martin Collection, file 10, The Ella Strong Denison Library, Scripps College, Claremont, Calif.


25. Inscription on Bible, Everett Dean Martin Collection, The Ella Strong Denison Library, Scripps College, Claremont, Calif.


26. Everett Dean Martin, "The Divinity of Christ," 1. (Draft of a speech read at the Annual Meeting of the Outlook Conference, University Club, Chicago, Ill., 13 December 1909.) Everett Dean Martin Collection, file 38, The Ella Strong Denison I--library, Scripps College, Claremont, Calif.


27. Ibid.


28. Ibid., 3.


29. Ibid., 5.


30. Everett Dean Martin, "Christianity is Socialism," 1. (Draft of a Sunday morning lecture read at the People's Church, Dixon, Ill., 23 January 1910.) Everett Dean Martin Collection, file 39, The Ella Strong Denison Library, Scripps College, Claremont, Calif.


31. Ibid.


32. Ibid., 6.


33. Ibid., 7.


34. "New Pastor in Initial Sermon," The Register and Leader (Des Moines), 16 Jan. 1911, p. 5.


35. Ibid.


36. Ibid.


37. Charles DeTolnay, Hieronymus Bosch (New York: Reynal and Company, 1966), 307.


38. "Unitarian Minister Discusses Teaching of London Pastor, The Register and Leader (Des Moines), 1 Jan. 1912, p. 6.


39. Everett Dean Martin, "Human Types," The Register and Leader (Des Moines), 7 Apr. 1914, p. 6.


40. Everett Dean Martin, "A Fighting Chance," The Register and Leader (Des Moines), 16 Aug. 1914, p. 6.


41. Ibid.


42. Everett Dean Martin, "Nietzsche," The Register and Leader (Des Moines), 20 Nov. 1914, p. 6.


43. Ibid.


44. Everett Dean Martin, "What I believe," The Nation, 21 Oct. 1931.


45. Ibid., 426.


46. Announcement of Lecture Series: "The Jesus Story: In the Light of the Science of Historical Criticism," beginning 8 October 1911. Everett Dean Martin Collection, file 50, The Ella Strong Denison Library, Scripps College, Claremont, Calif.


47. Ibid.


48. Announcement of Lecture Series: "The Meaning of an Education in the Twentieth Century," beginning 12 October 1913. Everett Dean Martin Collection, file 69, The Ella Strong Denison Library, Scripps College, Claremont, Calif.


49. Morse Cartwright to Ernest J. Jaqua, 16 March 1936. Everett Dean Martin Collection, file 210, The Ella Strong Denison Library, Scripps College, Claremont, Calif.


50. Everett Dean Martin, The Meaning of a Liberal Education (New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1926), 3.


51. Ibid., 66-68.


52. Ibid., 70.


53. Ibid.


54. Ibid., 83.



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